The deceased US second-in-command Dick Cheney, who died at age 84, was considered arguably the most significant holders of that position in the nation's history. While numerous vice-presidents were confined to peripheral or symbolic functions, Cheney wielded substantial influence during the administration of George W Bush, to the point that he was frequently called as the "true president".
Bush resented such a characterisation and said the relationship was more complex. He observed that Cheney was respectful, invariably addressing him in public settings as Mr President, while he addressed him as Dick. Bush disputed even characterisations of their partnership as a collaboration because it indicated that they were on equal footing. Despite these objections, Cheney viewed the laidback president malleable on a wide array of policy decisions.
The Period Following the Attacks
At the head of a group of conservative hawks that encompassed defence secretary Donald Rumsfeld and Pentagon second-in-command Paul Wolfowitz, he vigorously promoted the military intervention of Iraq in 2003 in answer to the September 11th attacks on New York and Washington. When of the 9/11 attack, Bush had been taking part in a session at a school in Florida. Whereas Bush headed for a underground facility in Nebraska, Cheney took command, directing the shooting down of any unresponsive airplanes heading toward the US Capitol.
Cheney claimed the attacks changed him, causing him to be intent on retribution. Together with other neo-cons, including Rumsfeld and Wolfowitz, he advocated for a occupation of Afghanistan in an endeavor to seize Osama bin Laden. Cheney then pressed fiercely for the military action of Iraq, although there was little proof of Saddam Hussein having involvement.
Debated Policies
He voiced no apologies about the invasion, in which an estimated 100,000 Iraqis perished, nor about the harsh treatment of individuals rounded up after 9/11. He informed CNN in 2015 that the Iraq invasion effort, which was founded on inaccurate intelligence echoed by Cheney, was the correct course of action. "It represented the right thing to do then. I believed it back then and I believe it today."
But even then, there were dissenting voices at a senior level about the botched execution of Iraq. One of the administration's own special envoys to the region, General Anthony Zinni (2001-03), was not retained from the post. "I observed, at the very least," he subsequently stated "clear negligence, inaction, and unaccountability: potentially, deception, incompetence, and corruption."
Additional Factors
Cheney was not solely responsible for the Iraq invasion. Before 9/11, Wolfowitz had called for such action. He had drafted a memorandum outlining scenarios in which American interests might be threatened (featuring "access to vital raw materials, mainly Persian Gulf oil"). Wolfowitz had asserted that "America should be prepared to act independently when joint efforts cannot be orchestrated," explicitly citing military moves against Iraq.
Bush also had entered the presidency somewhat determined on carrying out what his parent had specifically avoided to do in 1991; remove Saddam. After he had been fired by the administration, the Treasury head Paul O'Neill revealed how, at the initial gathering of the National Security Council in January 2001, Bush had stated his intention of lowering America's participation in the regional tensions and suggested military action against Iraq.
Bush held a personal grudge against Saddam, thinking he had been involved in a scheme to murder his predecessor, President George HW Bush, on a visit to Kuwait in 1993. He additionally resented that one of the largest hotels in Baghdad had a ground design with a likeness of his predecessor's face that everyone had to walk over.
Questioning Techniques
However it was Cheney who was among the most vociferous advocating attacking Iraq, frequently referencing intelligence reports that were either weak or completely deceptive. He backed what the Bush White House indirectly described as "advanced techniques", the application of interrogation method and harsh treatment.
Addressing a Senate analysis in 2014 that found that no useful information had resulted from the harsh techniques, Cheney rejected the findings as "loaded with crap". He stated to Fox News: "We asked [the CIA] to implement measures and create procedures to capture the perpetrators who murdered 3,000 of us on 9/11 and ensure it never happened again. That is precisely what they did and they earn a lot of recognition."
Public Persona
Cheney enjoyed nicknames assigned to him by opponents such as the dark character and the sinister presence, and by the notion that he was a dark force controlling Bush. In the author's 2013 volume about the pair, Days of Fire: Bush and Cheney in the White House, Cheney is reported as stating: "Am I the malevolent mastermind in the shadows that operates invisibly emerge from his hole? That is a advantageous way to function, actually."
Business Interests
Dispute over his commercial relationships pursued him during his tenure as vice-president. Although he had little experience in commerce but established relationships in defence, notably in Saudi Arabia, he was invited to join Halliburton, one of the world's largest petroleum conglomerates, in 1995 as chairman and top executive.
In 2000 he became Bush's VP candidate for the executive branch. Contentiously, during the Iraq war, Halliburton was granted US agreements valued at billions.
It greatly increased his wealth. His yearly earnings during his tenure at the corporation rose from his quarter-million dollars while defence secretary to millions. When he left in 2000 he had a severance arrangement worth over $20m|twenty
